Racial resentment became one of the tightest correlates of calling yourself conservative
Weighted Pearson correlation between the racial-resentment index and self-placed liberal–conservative ideology, by ANES survey year, 1986–2024. Higher resentment travels with conservative self-placement; the link more than doubles.
Takeaway: the line climbs off a modest +0.24 in the 1980s, accelerates after 2008, and reaches +0.59 by 2024 — race becoming part of what “conservative” means.
An attitude about race began to predict opinions on health care
Weighted correlation between the racial-resentment index and two non-racial policy scales — government vs private health insurance (filled) and government services/spending (line) — by ANES year. Both rise, steeply after 2008.
Takeaway: in the late 1980s racial resentment told you almost nothing about a person's health-care view (r = +0.07); by the 2020s it predicted it strongly (r ≈ +0.38–0.44) — the racialization of an issue that is not about race.
Among white Americans, more racial resentment means a more conservative self-placement
Mean self-placed ideology (1 liberal … 7 conservative) by tercile of the racial-resentment index, white non-Hispanic respondents, ANES 2012–2024. Endpoints span more than two full points.
Takeaway: low-resentment whites sit left of center (3.1); high-resentment whites sit firmly on the right (5.2) — a 2.06-point gap. Even after holding party constant, a one-standard-deviation rise in resentment still moves ideology by 0.36 of a point.